Turkana Then and Now - Australian Anthropological Society



As a result of connecting with the MacDougalls, God is a Liar and Lorang's Way were screened together at the annual Australian Anthropology Society conference, held this year in Sydney with the zeitgeist-y theme 'Anthropocene Transitions'. In a session called 'Turkana - Then and Now', a good discussion was held afterwards - about climate change and its effect on Indigenous people, about filmmaking, and about anthropology.


Australian Anthropology Society conference 2016: Anthropocene Transitions

30 years apart - meeting the MacDougalls

Then and now: David and Judith MacDougall with their son and neighbours in northern Turkana in the 1970s; and us, probably less then 50km away from the same place, 30 years later (when portraits were less formal)...

God is a Liar, the film we made in Turkana in 2011, recently introduced us to David and Judith MacDougall, legendary ethnographic filmmakers who made three films in the 1970s called Turkana Conversations.

I say the film 'introduced us' to them because I've often heard it said that if you make a film, it takes on its own life and introduces you to people and places with or without your planning. God is a Liar has certainly done that over the years since we stumbled into making it!

We didn't know about the MacDougalls before or during our time in Turkana, but afterwards someone mentioned their Turkana past and we got in touch. They were by then in Canberra, with David teaching filmmaking at the Australian National University. We swapped films, and then excited email reflections on what had changed and what had stayed the same. I remember David and Judith were surprised to see how few women still wore traditional hide clothes by the time of our stay, but we were all struck by uncanny likenesses in the mannerisms of leading Turkana men 30 years apart.

Now that we too are in Australia, we finally managed to meet in person for a longer conversation. What an absolute privilege that was! We shared plenty of field memories that came rushing back, and Frederic and I gaped at their tales of Turkana filmmaking 70s style. They each wore a kind of exoskeleton frame bearing camera and sound equipment (David and Judith respectively), and they stored miles and miles of new and exposed film rolls in two unreliable paraffin fridges that needed constant attention to stay alive in their desert home. It's almost embarrassing how light footed we were by comparison. As a sign of how quickly those weighty days have been forgotten, one of David and Judith's students saw an old film container in their office and remarked in surprise, 'Why do you have such tiny tupperwares?' 


Lokale, best translator in Turkana, has an official website!

All through these stories of Turkana is evidence of the talent and commitment of Lokale, our translator since day 1. With Turkana an increasingly busy place - oil, aid, business, tourism, research, journalism and adventure for starters - it was time for him to be findable online.

Check out Lokale's new site, and look him up if you ever need a Turkana translator and guide better than any other!



Family Assets report published

Great to see that the research I described in the previous post, and the UNICEF report I wrote from it, has been published on a global platform advocating for an end to child marriage: Girls Not Brides


It took a little while but it happened! Hopefully this and other forms of bearing witness will continue to raise awareness and drive change.

Marriage - law and love, August 2013

We were back in Turkana for UNICEF, to research marriage of girls under 18. This is illegal yet persists in Turkana for cultural as well as economic and other reasons. The idea of our trip was to collect real stories, and return to the families we knew and trusted to help explain things. 

The beads of a married woman

Those we met brought to life the difference between how a ‘development issue’ is seen from the outside, and how it is experienced by those living it. Fresh from reading child protection reports, we did indeed see instances of abuse and broken dreams – like the girl who walked three days to escape being married to an old man who would bring her father many camels but would destroy her goal of completing school forever. But we also saw instances of communities and girls very much in control of child welfare, education and prosperity, according to local standards… yet engaged in early marriages because of development failures rather than wilful child abuse. For them, their child’s marriage was a last resort and a desperate way of coping – for example after being hit by violent raiding that wipes out a herd, or animal diseases that decimate unvaccinated livestock, or poverty and lack of access to services that strangles the choices available. They were not marrying off their daughters simply to persist with what agencies term a “negative cultural practice”. Rather, in a world without formal insurance, protection or state support, they were forced to do so to for the sake of a bride wealth payment that would transform the entire family – and in some cases ensure they would actually survive. 

The research also looked at how school was a hard choice for many parents in Turkana, and how far from fast-tracking their daughters to success was seen as more likely to make them drop out of traditional society and become unmarriable – while also failing to get a job. These issues and that of the law, widely seen not to reach such remote rural areas, I bundled up in the formal report on child marriage. But here I thought I could share how ‘our family’ in Nakapelewoi helped us understand it, and also how they were doing a year after Nachukuli’s death. 


Aragai

Aragai
We have watched Aragai grow over the last four years from a girl into a beautiful and composed young woman. She lives in the home of her mother Etukoit, not far from the town of Kaaleng, and the year before this visit her father Nachukuli died. The household moves but we found them fairly easily, directed by a young girl near the road who knew the family. We spent several happy days catching up with everyone, and I took the time to get to know Aragai at this turning point in her life.

About fifteen years old, Aragai seemed subtly more mature than when we had last seen her. Had the lines of her face hardened? Or was it the way she carried herself, a subtle shift in posture that accentuated curves that were not there before? She was dressed traditionally as usual, but with significant beads around her neck that gave her the impression of a woman-in-waiting. It was fun to watch how she could walk like a queen with a heavy jerry can of water or bag of cereal on her head; and then be as lithe and fast as the young goats she chased around the homestead. Most of all, I noticed she was confidently aware of the gaze of others – even when, as is often the case in the desert, she was not exactly sure where it was coming from. With the self-assurance of the beautiful, she flounced to the water point with bouncing breasts and a light smile…

Aragai walking to the water point
Aragai was as close as ever to her mother Etukoit. Not only do they adore each other – sitting side by side at night singing to the younger children – but they also depend on each other. Aragai needs her mother, who in turn could not do without her caring for babies and children, herding and tending small stock, collecting and preparing foods, repairing huts, and doing just about any other domestic task of a Turkana or pastoralist home. Etukoit has kept Aragai at home longer than many mothers keep daughters of marriable age. She told me that is a suitor had approached to marry Aragai at a young age she would have said, “This is my last born, please wait, because I love her - she is my last child and I want her with me”.

Etukoit and Aragai
We learnt that times had been harder since Nachukuli’s death, a death inevitable given his old age but no doubt hastened by the brutal drought of 2011 which people in this area called ‘the splitter’ [Kijiana]. The family were continuing their pastoralism, supplementing food and income from their herds with money from selling aloe vera to a local Somali trader (bitter, smelly work that Aragai does regularly), sharing and selling relief flour or cash transfers received, and taking casual labour opportunities when they arise. But they were in transition, since they now belonged to Nachukuli’s older brother. Nachukuli had paid all three instalments of bride wealth for Etukoit, a vast number of cattle and other animals in total, and so on his death his older brother inherited her, her children, and all their livestock and assets. 

Emotionally, they were in transition too, and Aragai almost immediately spoke of how she was still aching from the death of her father. She told us, “It is a death inside” – with intense gravity for someone so young, someone who you imagine would be protected from prolonged grief by the pace of adolescence. She also, worryingly, said that she still suffers from the ekapilan [witchcraft] she was affected by over a year ago, during drought, when a jealous woman with no daughters cursed her for walking past her home carrying water. The most obvious symptom has been pain in the throat, as well as general distress for her and her parents, and they have been to a healer but it persists.  

Aragai’s other news was that she never did not get to go to school as she had wanted to, or even to the Sunday school nearby which she had marked out as a compromise. It would have let her sit with peers and learn, while it would not have threatened the traditional aspirations her parents had for her, nor taken too much time from the many domestic tasks she had at that time. Yet the domestic tasks got greater after Nachukuli died, and the family struggled to make money any way they could, so she could not be gone for a whole morning a week…

Marriage


Aragai with her mother, niece and dogs – including her own, the black and white one she has called Nasil Fashion (after the name of a shop in town)
Now mature – judged physically and emotionally rather than in years – Aragai will soon be married. It was on her mind as well as mine, and we spoke a lot about it. The choice would now belong to her uncle, the brother of her father who inherited them all, and yet Etukoit and Aragai expect to have their say in the matter. Aragai declared firmly, “It is my father’s brother who will decide, the man who inherited my mother. But I will also decide! I will see the man he chooses and decide for myself, and if he is the right man I will marry him. If I see he is not the right man I have the right to refuse, and I will object to my uncle’s decision.” She had some pretty clear criteria for ‘the right man’: “My uncle will choose a rich man with many animals, a man whose herd he admires. When it comes to my decision, I will choose a man who my blood will agree with, and also a man with animals, and also a man who will not beat me. I want to marry a man I am together with, one I make plans with. I will refuse an old man, whether he is wealthy or not. I will accept a young man, but he should be wealthy as well.”

Turkana is famous – even among pastoralist societies – for high payments of bride wealth. It might be decreasing compared with old days, but it is still formidable – and a girl like Aragai will command many livestock. Etukoit, balancing wealth and happiness, explained, “If it is a good man I would be happy with 20 big animals and 500 small animals as bride wealth. I want her to go to a man who will make her fat; not to a man who, when she visits us again, will send her here looking thin and with dust in her eyes…”

Love

Listening to Aragai and her mother talking about good husbands I am curious about the place of love in Turkana marriages, which are typically understood as economic transactions or social alliances. Speaking of someone who ‘her blood would agree with’, I felt Aragai was describing chemistry she hoped to find. Certainly her mother Etukoit has talked excitedly in the past about how handsome and strong – and rich! – her own husband Nachukuli had been when they met. 

I found a surprising source on love in Turkana in an artefact held at Oxford’s Pitt River’s Museum. It’s a traditional girl’s apron given almost a century ago by a young girl to her lover. This now dry and dusty article, collected by a Juxon Talbot Barton in 1918, is a girl’s ‘puberty apron’ that she gave to her lover. He then wore it across his chest to prove himself a man in hunting or battle, and the two iron rings are thought to mean he killed two men. The full description is at http://www.prm.ox.ac.uk/pdf/TurkanaApron.pdf. If only we knew more about the lovers and their fate.  

Turkana 'puberty apron' given by a young girl to her lover - now in Oxford's Pitt River's Museum
Unfortunately as a young and single man, our trusty translator Lokale has never been a very good interpreter of the issue. Once I asked him if he would like to find a girlfriend and his quick reply was, “It would be adding a problem to a problem”.

Lokale in Etukoit's hut
Nevertheless, we have heard plenty of good stories of illicit love in our time in Turkana – and the punishments they attract. In Kache Imeri a young woman (married to a decrepit old man) had an affair with the dashing neighbour: they were both forced to cover themselves in the stomach contents of a cow, slaughtered by her father’s family, and then parade around the homestead of her husband being beaten! And once we felt we narrowly escaped a beating ourselves, with an old man who announced almost immediately, on meeting us for the first time, “Your grandfather fell in love with a young girl from here, they hid on a mountain because their marriage was forbidden and then they ran away. He took her without paying a single cow!” That was a plucky white man indeed, in these parts, and I wonder what happened to them. I like to think they made it…

It is now more common for illicit love to be accepted as an ‘informal marriage’ in Turkana. This we heard all over the place in more urban areas, but also in Etukoit’s own home. Her first born daughter Emuria – the one who had been so fat when we first came to Nakapelewoi – fell in love with a boy who was helping the local Somali aloe vera trader. She was at the roadside selling flour, bought with the Oxfam monthly cash transfer that the household’s second wife Kwee receive, and he was there working for the Somali who Aragai regularly sells aloe vera juice to. (Aragai earns 1,000 shillings or 12 dollars for a full 20 litre jerry can, but gets so stinky in the proeess that Etukoit won’t share a hut with her!). According to Etukoit, “He is not a wealthy man, he doesn’t have any animals at all, but that was her choice and we accepted it. Even Nachukuli would have accepted it, if he had been alive, because he respected his children’s choices. Emuria fell in love with that man and is now pregnant and living with him.” 
There was no wedding, and no bride wealth was paid, so the baby will be Emuria’s, and Etukoit’s family’s, unless the man pays bride wealth in future. That also means if it is a girl and she has a formal marriage, Emuria’s family will receive the bride wealth for her.

With informal marriages more common, children increasingly belong to their mothers – another part of the fundamental shift where women take up all sorts of new enterprises and are regularly ‘empowered’ by NGO programmes. 

After Etukoit pointed out what a huge social change this meant, I tried to explain British feminism linked to a post-war era where women continued doing ‘men’s work’ and could access contraception to control their reproduction. ‘Iteni, iteni!’ said Etukoit in her brilliant way (meaning 'True! True!), ‘We are having that kind of change here in Turkana now too!’

Aragai at the water point
Before we left we had a happy time following Aragai to the water point, about 3 km away, across a scorching moonscape. There we spoke to other herders who complained about the drought that was coming and a missionary who had promised (falsely) a well that would provide cleaner water than this open dam shared by animals and people. 

Esekon berriees
On the way we stopped for ripe esekon berries. On the way back the little children Ekireket and Ekure could be heard yelling at us from the branches of one of these trees, but we never saw them. We could only shout back in the direction of their squeaky invitation to join them and eat esekon! With those two there was certainly mischief afoot. Later they had a ‘driving lesson’ in the LandRover, and became even more uncontrollable…

Ekireket takes the wheel
For the first time we had a larger home that could receive guests – a bell tent – and it allowed us to play host. Just as with a Turkana akai, guests approached from the east, including strangers who wanted water and dear Etukoit who brought a baby goat to show us. That was a good opportunity to give her a jar of honey we had brought as a gift – none of the co-wives or neighbours were watching! She tasted it, approved, and then told us a very funny story from her childhood. It involved some young men who wanted to show off to her by fetching her some wild honey from a tree – but ended up rolling and rolling and screaming at her feet as they were covered in furious biting bees! She did a wonderful impression of the cowards, and I thought that Nachukuli would have enjoyed mocking them too… He was very good at reminding everyone how handsome and strong he had been as Etukoit’s suitor. I think we all felt his presence during our visit. 

Hosting Etukoit in the bell tent
Frederic resting at the water point
Me looking hot the day we left
Saying goodbyes
Celebrating a beautiful lugga
Lunch site, escaping the midday sun
Learning to make a broom at a meeting

The end of Nachukuli, August 2012


Just before a UNICEF trip involving community consultations and a lot of Nairobi visitors, we went up to see our Nakepelewoi family. It had been a while; the last time was in November when it had poured with rain. We always asked ourselves, “Do you think Nachukuli will be there?” for the old patriach really did always seem to be hanging on, but each time his huge spirit and presence had been reassuringly there. This time of course was different.

Nachukuli - ?-2012

The first thing wrong was the absence of people and animals. As we got closer we realised that the huts were no longer lived in, and were partially collapsed and destroyed. What had been a well protected animal enclosure ringed by thick thorn branches had seemingly imploded on itself and looked almost like a bonfire. 

Then a neighbour found us as he herded camels home and told us what we’d already guessed: “They had a problem; the old man died; so they moved”. He pointed vaguely at the hills north-west of this old home, gave directions to a single tree which Lokale seemed to follow, then disappeared to bring his camels home. 

It was a rocky, tricky journey across country, or rather moonscape, and once again we relied on Lokale who not only pursued the single tree, but promised he could see a wisp of smoke that meant a homestead. And we relied on Frederic’s impressive rock-hopping LandRover driving. Finally we arrived and braced ourselves for greetings that would be very different to what we were used to. 

Sure enough they were flat, unsmiling, and a bit listless in their various positions around a new, temporary and very non-committal homestead. They welcomed us kindly but explained that they had been depressed and sick – mostly with fever – since Nachukuli had died four months ago. Maybe God took him, or maybe Satan, they said; they certainly weren’t at peace with the old man’s passing.  Poor Nachukuli, we felt sad to think of him lying in his thorny tomb, departed after a brutal drought that had entrenched him in some pretty bitter thoughts like his famous “God is a liar!” theory. 

There had been a series of funeral ceremonies, some of which must have been attended by a lot of people. That was one of the reasons they were in this place, albeit temporarily: to accommodate all the visitors and all the sections of Nachukuli’s herd brought for the funeral; and to be somewhere peaceful and far from the road which might draw curious interlopers. 

As a sign of mourning, heads had been shaved: for children, just the hair at the front of the head, but for the three widows, all of it. Now these women had just stumpy fuzz where once had been a strip of typical stringy braids. Relationships were pretty strained between them, and this was most obvious in how they’d positioned their huts: separately and far apart, with no obvious centre and all pointing in different directions rather than towards each other. It made the ada karin a bit disorienting. When we had set up camp a respectful distance away (positioning slightly forced too, for there was a nasty, uncrossable gully lying between our entry route and the ada karin), the first wife came to speak to us. With resources still being divided and lines of authority drawn, it wasn’t surprising everyone is wary, but I had probably been naïve about how much their common husband had held together these three women and their competing broods. She told us just that, and was doing so to be sure we were under no illusions when we gave food to Etukoit but asked that it be divided between everyone (as we often did). We gave her some tea, salt, lentil and sugar rations of her own, and she even managed to take from us the tobacco we’d brought for Nachukuli and then decided to put on his grave. She was probably right when she said we’d never get close with the thorn bushes as they are, and we were happy when his adult son Akal later suggested that all of us go instead “as a family” on our next visit and take all sorts of good things he’d like. Oil, liver, milk and tobacco are standard issue, and we lobbied to include the sweet tea and eye drops he always took gladly from us. 

The widows now depend on the grace of their married sons, who now own the herd of camels, cattle, donkeys, sheep and goats. Inheritance of these was all pre-decided but a few issues like milking rights and small stock needed establishing, and there is always room for inheritance disputes as the wives’ wariness proved. While Elim was off with cattle and other older sons were elsewhere, we met with Akal – the only son who lives in the ada karin, responsible for camels, married to Esekon and the first born son of Etukoit – and he was a transformed man. For the first time we saw uncanny resemblances to Nachukuli, even the strange hand gesture where he’d tapped himself with long fingers on his tightly braided basket weave hairdo. Empowered, he took centre stage in discussions and welcomed us magnanimously whenever we wanted to visit, for we “are like the children who went to school, and now come back and help the family”. Once we got used to it, it was very welcome and we even thought we saw some of what Nachukuli’s youthful greatness must have looked like (remembering his immodest description of himself as a glorious catch, which was something like,“strong, handsome, and with lots of animals”). 

Another transformed young man was Nangolekou, teenage herdsboy son of Kwee who we remember being beaten by Nachukuli for losing goats but also having the courage to stand up to the old man when he refused him food (only to leap into the darkness at a sprint afterwards). He had had to bear quite a burden since his father’s death: the family bulls needed bringing back from the Oropoi area on the Uganda border, because some were necessary for the funeral (animals of all types were slaughtered for the ritual and to feed guests) and the whole lot had to be gathered with all other stock for a kind of asset consolidation. ‘Bringing the bulls back’ meant Nangolekou walking to Oropoi with his older brother Elim (back from Todonyang immediately on learning of his father’s death), collecting them from where they were looked after as part of a relative’s larger herd, and then walking back. A round trip of two months. I asked what he ate along the way and he said they stopped each night wherever they saw smoke – “Those people either share food with us or they do not”. He seemed pretty pleased with himself though, an air of Kipling’s Kim about him, so on instinct I dared to ask if he might have met the girl he wanted to marry on this odyssey… He immediately grinned and said yes! She was brown-skinned, he said (meaning relatively fair), and beautiful. Clearly moving with a herd of bulls grown splendid on the pasture of the insecure but green border hills had given him a manly confidence; he said that he could certainly convince her father to give her to him, because he had seen him moving with animals that could pay a handsome bridewealth! His mother Kwee and step-mother Etukoit smiled proudly at this boy-man, and the cycle of life seemed to be moving steadily along.

Nangolekou, a man of migration - and soon, marriage!

 That night we saw the stars move steadily along on their time-worn migrations, and the family were peaceful as they pointed out the shapes they knew. We smiled a lot at memories of Nachukuli’s astronomical commentaries, and used a wonderful new ‘star pointer’ Frederic had bought on Amazon to draw around the edges of the termite mound they see in the Milky Way (or angolor – river). It’s hard to adjust to looking for shapes in the intervening black spaces rather than among the bright white stars themselves, but that is their cosmos and it was satisfying to share some bits of it. The elephant with spear-throwers, the leaders (herders) and he-goat, these are becoming familiar evening entertainment in Turkana. Nachukuli too is supposed to be up there now, having taken position as an ancestor and moved closer to God who he will no doubt spit brown tobacco-juice at and demand answers from.


Etukoit, pleased with a jerrycan from us; 'the businessman' Ekireket; and confident Nangolekou
'Vanity Without Borders' - competing with a beautiful neighbour for a look in the wing-mirror
"See the house of my children?" said a proud Etukoit to the passing girls

Guns, Herds and Oil - visiting Ngamia 1, April 2012


In April 2012, oil loomed large on the Turkana horizon. Tullow Oil were prospecting at a site called Ngamia 1 (Camel 1 in Swahili); driving back near Lokichar we stopped to talk to some pastoralist and semi-pastoralist people living nearby.  

Ngamia 1 - picture by East African newspaper

We began at Nakukulas, the nearest settlement to Ngamia 1, whose name means, ‘the place where bitter fruits are cooked’.  These people are mainly pastoralists or semi-pastoralists, and those we spoke to were a mix of indifferent, excited, and scared. Most had the same two concerns – insecurity, and maintaining good herds – and saw Ngamia 1 only in light of these. Many thought town-based local elites were dominating talks with ‘oil people’ and steering any 'social investment' in their own direction. With the quiet dignity typical of pastoralist Turkana, they made a call for better understanding and communication between those on either side of the formidable barrier encircling Ngamia 1. 

Turkana barrels: scarce water carried by local women


Security 


Men practise fighting in a dry riverbed: conflict has cultural momentum but is increasingly well-armed and deadly

Around Ngamia 1, security is many local people’s top concern. Turkana district sits culturally and physically in isolation, its people fighting neighbours on every side except the lake. The word for outsider is the same as that for enemy [emoit], giving an indication of how local identity is fiercely carved in opposition to that of others. Here, around Ngamia 1, a cycle of raiding and counter-raiding between Turkana and a neighbouring Kenyan tribe (Pokot) has cost many lives and livestock losses, not to mention destroyed collective peace of mind. Guns are common and raids regular. Often, grazing animals are stolen, driven away by AK47-wielding enemies. Sometimes, homes are attacked and, as well as animals stolen, much blood is lost. Stories of conflict range from a poorly working arm struck by a long-range enemy bullet, to a family’s mass slaughter that left just one or two members behind. Nobody sleeps properly, they tell you, and parents fear not only their children being harmed, but also the psychological effects on them of home environments that are tense and ever-watchful. 

An example is Napethe, a middle-aged woman living near Ngamia 1. She fled from her ere [true home, and place of one’s ancestors] in Lokori when the family’s animals were taken and relatives killed in an armed, nighttime raid on the homestead. Her husband, left with nothing after a life spent building, caring for and loving his herd, became traumatised and left the area. Suddenly single, poor and adapting to a new place, Napethe finds ways to survive but misses her old home and its bounty, and struggles with the idea of teaching her children and grandchildren that this is now their adopted ere. Older children are now unable to go to school, and with no herding responsibilities must somehow find their way in life, drawn mainly to new towns. Because of conflict, Napethe carries a heavy burden. 

Napethe

In light of this, what difference do local people think the Ngamia 1 site will make? Some believe it will make them safer: a young herder explained, referring to the fortified site, “The security guards can warn us of Pokot in the area, and Pokot will be put off coming here by the sight of that place.” But next to him, another herder countered that Pokot will be attracted to the guns and money on site, so insecurity will increase. Some even believe whole new conflicts might be caused by this clearly important new place: an older man stated, “We will be killed because of this!” Asked to explain, he went on, “We will be bombed by competitors of these Americans, who will attack them in their camp.”

This may seem far-fetched or even laughable – people fearing they will be bombed because oil has been found in their area – but it speaks of the gulf between those on either side of this project. This can be bridged by communication and reassurance, and is important: it is unpleasant to think that newcomers could unintentionally add to local people’s existing fears. Perhaps most of all, the insecurity is an opportunity for outside investors to contribute to peace-building initiatives. Adopting a model that has been successful in other parts of pastoralist Kenya, these might include independently mediated peace gatherings held in the traditional way, under shade trees, on or near the border between the two groups. Investing in peace is not only vital in its own right – no one should live in constant conflict and fear – but also because it underpins all other social investment or development. It is hard for communities to focus on education, health and economy when insecurity takes so much in terms of energy, time, resources, and lives. Anyone helping bring peace would be giving the biggest gift of all.  


Herding

A herder moves his goats and camels towards home

To any pastoralist, the first fear of change is how it might affect their herds. “It’s bad that oil has been found here, because we might lose access to the land, and then where will our animals graze?” said one young woman whose husband has many goats and sheep, a few camels and donkeys, and three wives to look after them all. If you are a Turkana pastoralist, you think for your animals: their access to water and pasture is your health and survival; their wellbeing is your wellbeing. This mindset, very different from that of non-pastoralists, is something outsiders have to get used to. 

The fear of being displaced, herds and all, is even more acute for people already feeling hemmed in by hostile neighbours, or chased by conflict to their current home. “No one wants to lose meat and meat soup [the animal-keeping lifestyle]. If we are moved from here to insecure places near Lokori and Baringo, then we’ll lose our animals to enemies!” said an elderly woman, even as her daughter said she hoped the ‘oil drillers’ would stock the local health clinic, which is often without supplies. The same elderly woman went on to add: “This place is like a mountain we’ve climbed with our animals. We don’t want to be pushed off it. We can give oil drillers a portion of it, but we don’t want to lose it.” 

Again, these may seem unrealistic concerns to cater to – there is no suggestion that communities and their herds will be displaced from the areas surrounding Ngamia 1 – but they indicate a communication gap that should be addressed as soon as possible. These people have lived there and practised pastoralism for their whole lives, just as their forefathers did. They need reassurance about having a right to their homes and the pastoralist life of their choice. 

As well as assuring people that their pastoralism can co-exist peacefully with Ngamia 1, social investment initiatives could strengthen the local pastoralist economy. Discussion with people who represent this way of life – not simply the easier-to-access, town-based elites, but on-the-ground herders of both sexes, all ages, and various income levels – could explore appropriate and effective options to do so. These might include better access to livestock markets (supporting disaster risk reduction through the sale of animals before drought can devastate a herd), animal water and fodder initiatives, veterinary care and advice for herd management, and other forms of support for pastoralism desired by local herders themselves. Development and humanitarian initiatives are increasingly recognising that they have overlooked the pivotal role of livestock wellbeing in pastoralist health, education, or emergency relief initiatives: it would be prudent for other forms of social investment to do so right from the start. 

Precious milk from the family herd


Voice


Etukoit with her grandson

There is a danger that local pastoralist and semi-pastoralist communities around Ngamia 1 will not be able to speak for themselves, that town-based or politically-connected elites will speak for them. Already, herding families in the area feel marginalised from information and discussion linked to the new development and discovery: a mother from Nakukulas, passing Ngamia 1 on her way to town to buy maize flour for her children, said: “You don’t know about the meetings taking place in towns; unless the Chief tells you and invites you, you will not be involved in those, you will not even hear about them.” 

Those more likely to know, and be involved, are typically non-pastoralists connected to urban and/or political spheres. While many, if not most, will be from pastoralist backgrounds, they may have dropped out of pastoralism because of drought, disease or conflict, or have pursued economic, professional and political opportunities that took them away from the everyday realities of pastoralist life. These businessmen, professionals and politicians are currently those most likely to steer any social investment agenda, and to ‘represent’ community voices and interests. While some certainly will, many others may not share or promote the agenda of a local herding family, often preferring to pursue urban, non-pastoralist opportunities for betterment. 

For example, you don’t hear much confidence about future social investment from a woman like Napethe, a local pastoralist with a distinct way of life that has become very used to living at the margins. Despite her family’s long-standing connection to this land, despite the fact it is the place of her ancestors, she explains her feeling that town-based, non-pastoralist elites will reap any rewards from an oil discovery, and even that corruption and false promises will be likely: “Those people will get rich from oil they find here. If local people are given a share of the money they make, it will be just the Chief and the MP. This happens here, and promises get broken; like when drugs were promised to the dispensary but that promise was not fulfilled.” 

*****

A longer note with recommendations was sent to Tullow Oil to inform their social investment package, and I met with the director in Nairobi to discuss it.

Drunks and nomads - travels on the border, April 2012




At the end of April we test-drove the new roof tent and went seeking nomadic Turkana. All those we’ve previously stayed with, while with strong nomadic heritage and deeply attached to their lives with animals, have been settled or semi-settled (moving once a year), and yet people describe this district as the land of nomads, and something about that description appeals to the gypsy heart in us. We began with friend Neil and drove to Eliye Springs, on the Lake, to dry out after a very wet Nairobi (long rains). Then we visited Erot’s family at Kache Imeri before heading for the north-west and its nomads…





Kache Imeri: A quick stop to pay greetings

Shocked locals walk past the car in the forest

On our way to Oropoi we stopped at Kache Imeri to visit Erot’s family. The hardship location, or ‘the line’, is still there, and still wretched – we heard complaints of goats dying, and the women were eating a roasted little goat that had died in the night, pulling little strings of black flesh off bone. 

Some however have moved from here, returning to the old and more beautiful ada karin away from the river’s edge. The first of these pioneers were Erot and Mary, his second but somehow favourite wife. Mary is the least attractive of Erot’s three wives and is barren – the boy we used to think was her son, magnificent herdsboy Lokol, is actually her sister’s son, she got to choose him when it was clear she would have none of her own. I asked more about this relationship: Erot the headman favours this dark, slim, fierce woman, and is very loyal to her; on previous visits we saw how he prefers to sleep in her well-built, ordered hut to those of the others, and now he has moved with just her to the lovely old home among waves of long grass and tree-lined luggas. They moved because little goats had been taken by ‘cats’ in the forest, and because the ng’itit [acacia seeds] had returned to their old home’s ewoi trees. The others would follow, Mary insisted, as soon as they could, and the family had not split for bad reasons but only for the good of the herd. 

Erot himself was not there when we visited, he’d gone somewhere across a river from Kalemunyang to a wedding. An important wedding, it seemed, where we heard the dowry the groom might pay for his wife, his first wife, could be 400 goats. That’s a lot, but a really wealthy Turkana man could pay up to 700, and the ladies clucked excitedly to tell us that such men lived even in this local area of Nanye, Kache Imeri, Konipad. You can never tell, perhaps only by the piercing look of dignity in such a man’s eye, for on the surface, all dress, eat and sleep the same, and it takes a locally-accustomed eye to read the signs of Turkana wealth. 

Irene looked fulfilled, her newest baby Akai grown from the damp worm we saw last time to a very plump and much loved baby girl. Esibitar still despises seeing white faces in her home but the others were happy to see us and it is a pleasure to make regular visits to people who now feel like our friends. They were sad I couldn’t see ‘my father’, Erot, but his brother Raphael Elamach, known to us as the ‘emuron’ [prophet], threw sandals to check everything would be alright. First he spat and sprinkled tobacco on them, then he bounced and threw them numerous times while asking questions. Luckily he saw that not only will we be well, and travel safely in our truck around Turkana, and on to our home, but father Erot will also travel safely and be well. The children and the two of us watched in awe and nodded happily at all the positive prophecies. 

In the background a huge veteran of a truck with a painted nametag saying, “Desert Worrier” was being loaded with makuti [thatch] bundles that all local families (read women) had prepared. A mountain of them, all off to Kakuma [refugee camp in NW Turkana] to be rooves on houses for new refugees from Sudan and Somalia – funny to see our family playing such an active role in humanitarian efforts for others. This makuti was what the family was eating from, the women explained, not their herds. It might be economically viable, but it is very troubling when a family’s herds are unable to sustain their children. 

We’d camped in the forest, for the first time and to the horror of the scrub and plains-loving pastoralists. I think they thought we’d be carried off by cats in the night but we slept blissfully under huge, shady trees and swirling bats, woken by the noises of dawn and the first goats coming through to graze. 

People herding these early goats through the forest to the river to drink were surprised to see us but said the last non-Turkana had been quite recent, from Kenya Oil. (Oil is a big thing in Turkana these days, and after Oropoi we planned to go to south to Lokichar-Lokori way where Tullow had just struck a significant find of it). They trucked through the forest, camped on the other side of the river, and had apparently left without finding signs of the oil they’d come in search of. Everybody we asked agreed they might return, but no one was sure what an oil discovery might mean. Erot’s third wife Marta broke rank and suggested with her usual theatrical vigour that it would be a bad thing, for sooner or later people living near the oil would be forced to move, and then where would their animals graze? 

Always about the animals, for a family’s rights are indivisible from their herd’s rights, and so too their future. It’s such a profound difference between herding and non-herding peoples, those who externalise and can’t divide their own wellbeing from that of the animals they live with, from and for, and those who don’t.  It reminded me of a young camel herder I once passed, rejoicing in the drinking pools that fresh and long-awaited rain had left in a pitted road. He was bringing his camels to a big one, clear and inviting, when a passing 4x4, driven by a down-country man, drive through it and turned it instantly into an opaque, milkshake brown. The driver, who’d never herded anything in his life, waved cheerfully at the boy and was startled when he cried out bitterly, “Are you not human?!” in reference to the wasted water. In pastoralist places, you are human if you can think like your animals. 

The river Turkwel, an eengol seed’s throw from our camp in a sandy glade, was low but still beautiful, and children were crouched low over the surface lapping water like cats. On the first day we waded to the far side and found a fast-flowing channel of it, lying on our backs to be whisked down like driftwood (and hoping we looked too big to tempt the small but notorious crocodiles). 

We left in a huge rainstorm, after giving our friends some basics (maize flour, sugar, oil) and some weirder things (a coveted mirror for the divinely vain Marta, some sweet Arab-style perfume for super-clean single mum Aipa, who is the only person to have built herself a separate ‘washing hut’, a strong container for entrepreneurial businesswomen Lokaleso, whose tortoise husband staggers on into older and older age, and some bizarre popping candy for the astonished herdboys). One woman needed antibiotics for her swollen paw of a hand – we gave her amoxicillin and later confirmed what she told us, that at the dispensary they indeed had had no antibiotics for two weeks, plus other drugs, so were serving mainly as a Panadol vending machine. Finally, the family gave me a beautiful hide skirt patch that I’d admired and hope to make a cushion from. 

Then back to a soggy Lodwar, from where we hoped to launch to the real adventure…

Stuck in loose sand on the shore of Lake Turkana


Apamulele: from legend to mortal

The Kenya-Uganda border, past Oropoi

We were voyaging north to find elusive and near-legendary Apamulele, leader of a truly nomadic family of ngi’kabarak [people herding animals]. This great man is thought to roam the Kenya-Uganda border with a huge herd and a disregard for the trappings, rules and limits of nation states. In our hopeful imaginations, he is a true gypsy king! 

From Lokichoggio we headed south and then turned west, along the cleverly named Uki Highway (Uganda-Kenya International) towards the famous Oropoi wells and the border. Benjamin from AMREF came with us to find and introduce us to the great man; it was AMREF, who have worked for decades in Turkana around Lokichoggio, who first told us about Apamulele. As we headed for his ada karin some 16km from Oropoi town, it was late afternoon and the light was perfect, the mountains of the jagged border glowing in their many colours. The landscape here is green and fertile compared to much of the rest of Turkana, and there is more wildlife because of the forested hills and nearby Kidepo National Park (Uganda). There are supposed to be occasional elephants but we saw only dik dik, hares, squirrels and many, many birds: white-bellied go-away birds, red-billed hornbills, weavers, Hildebrandt’s and other metallic blue starlings, red and yellow barbets, Abyssinian and other rollers, and birds of prey like the elegant pale chanting goshawk.

Benjamin from AMREF is himself a Turkana from the area, and clearly in awe of Apamulele. His Turkana name is Lokwa’emoi, after his namesake who killed a white man (emoit) around Independence and is still alive and apparently much respected around Lokichoggio. As we travelled Lokale, and Benjamin spoke more about the different Turkana clans[1]. I had assumed Apamulele would be Yapakuno, from the western regions and notoriously nomadic, but he is in fact Lukumong, a clan named after bulls (emong) for their love of cattle. He is named after a bull with small ears like a sheep. 

We were very excited as we waited to meet Apamulele at a central point in his ada karin where AMREF was establishing a container clinic for community-based health workers to serve local nomadic families when they were staying at this place. His reputation far preceded him: not just an important Headman and leader who, when he calls people, can be sure they will come, but also an emuron, or prophet, who can guide his large extended family through the hazards of their herding and movements along an insecure border and in an increasingly unpredictable climate. 

What approached us, as we stood nervously waiting in the mellowing light, was a group of gregariously drunk, gun-toting, camouflage-wearing men. It felt like being on the wrong side of the ghetto as an armed gang makes its way straight for you. Of all ages, they were wild-eyed and aggressive, circling us and then making way for their leader. Perhaps we should have predicted it, having let our imaginations run wild with images of a truly noble, if renegade nomad who we would follow and learn from on long, sun-scorched migrations along Kenya’s western border… The elderly Apamulele was twinkly-eyed and even charismatic, direct and even imposing despite his age and a cast on his left arm, but he was trouble from the start. He presented himself like a pastoralist version of Muammar Gadaffi, flanked by junior bearers of ancient AK47s who were reverently propping him up and echoing his gestures as he drove two channels of conversation: one, the pointing out of vast herds of cattle, camels, goats and sheep being driven home through this magnificent grazing belt beneath majestic mountains; the other, repeated demands for money. One of the junior henchmen, apparently high on bhang from Uganda, from where he’d also picked up good English (we decided to try French as our private lingua franca here) drove us crazy with his reverent droning, “This is a bi-i-i-ig man! We belie-e-e-e-e-e-e-e-eve in him….! But increasingly we were finding him to be not a big man, and not someone we wished to believe in. 

In the sea of armed, drunk, and dangerous men and with our intentions and optimism slipping away, I tried to focus on the women who also stood around. A complete contrast, they were calm, graceful, and sober, dressed in traditional cloth wraps with heavy stacks of beaded necklaces, lip-plugs and earrings, and heads shaved except for a strip down the middle. It would be a pleasure to spend time talking to and learning from them, but the men of course were born to steal the show. 

As we left, still planning to brave a return the following day for a three day recce that might inform a film, Apamulele made a parting request through the car window: jabbing his prophet’s finger he told us to return with gifts for him, gifts that were to include 2,000 shillings (approximately $20) and a Thuraya satellite phone (approximately $1,000). By now we were desperate to leave. 

We drove back on the Uki highway, and then on an impressively tarmac-ed road to Lokichoggio (ex-aid hub for southern Sudan), and on this a million winged insects appeared like a biblical plague. Driving, Frederic said it felt like driving through a snow blizzard, and they made gluey smash marks all over the windscreen that were horrible to clean off later. Plenty of Turkana walked or waited by the side of the dark road, a few hares, mice and frogs crossed it, and we vowed to have a good night’s sleep and be as firm as possible the following day about our intentions, reserving the right to walk away.


An aborted trip…

The Kenya-Uganda border above Apamulele's house

Apamulele was drunk, but not that drunk, at 10.30am when we arrived the following day. Quickly we launched into a protracted squabble about what to do, where to stay, and most of all, how guests could still not be pouring money onto him to buy alcohol. As if to prove his raging addiction, he then pulled a clear plastic pouch of a 40% proof spirit called ‘Empire’ out of his jacket. This camouflage army jacket (worn with matching trousers) came with a Union Jack flag and a mysterious black and silver 3-bar ranking stitched onto its epaulettes. The pouch had come across the Ugandan border, and I’m pretty sure they are illegal in Kenya under the country’s new alcohol laws. As they should be, for they are a brutal shot of ruin, at 10 shillings each, available in every off-radar rural town. 

Apamulele spends his whole day downing pouches of ‘Empire’. He slurped the one he had on him and gave an adorable little barefoot girl the empty packet. She skipped off excitedly, holding it up to smile at the cherished un-drunk drop in a bottom corner; then tragedy struck, as a slightly older boy, all of 6 or 7, grabbed it out of her hands and raced off, sucking that tiny drop out for himself and throwing the now definitely empty packet on the floor. She howled as though he’d stamped on her favourite doll, really flung herself on the floor with full-body misery. No one helped, but later I saw her recovered and wearing the empty pouch on her arm like a cuff. What an ugly window into an alcohol-addicted community. All the adults, while not behaving as hideously as the mad, furious and brain-rotted Apamulele, stank of fruity liquor breath, and the place was starting to remind me of Colin Turnbull’s depiction of displaced Ik (Teuso). These former hunter-gatherers in Uganda (not far at all from where we now were, for their ancestral land is now the Kidepo National Park, and we could practically see the beginning of that in the high hills to the west) were, according to Turnbull, sliding down a steep slope of social, cultural and moral decay, to the point where they laughed at grannies or babies injuring themselves on rocks, fires, or each other’s casual violence. 

Meanwhile the kingpin Apamulele was starting to behave like a mad toddler, the Gadaffi-style commands giving way to petulant pleading and angry outbursts about how he had gathered a crowd for us to address and would we please give him money as ‘promised’. Even the others seemed to get fed up with their stumbling, embarrassing leader, with some women laughing and others telling him not to drive us away. He was quite a sight, jabbing the air with his finger and poking us hard with finger or stick to make his points, clutching with those fingers at our arms (and in doing so, proving that they had kept the strength of high-tensile steel, perhaps the only part of him that had). It seemed we were about ten years too late, for there was no one who wouldn’t say that he really had been a wonderful man and leader, herder and emuron (prophet). Some young men (strong-faced, dignified herders) told us how he’d been famous for steering them all through any danger: he could predict a raiding party on the other side of a hill, and when warriors went they indeed found and thwarted them; he could dream of where people should dig for water during a drought, they would dig and he would be proved right, saving herds and families. But then, they said, he started taking ‘brew’, and, as we’d seen, not traditional home brewed busaa (weak, flat, sorghum beer) or chang’aa (stronger, clear distillation of busaa into something similar in taste and strength to rice wine), but imported, 40% strong liquors, packs and packs of them. Even having this conversation with the younger men was dangerous – in the style of a caricatured African dictator he swung back in his army fatigues to where audacious young men were talking to his guests and possibly casting aspersions on his authority (he had a perceptive sense of that), and threatened to whack them with his stick. That flash of his fury shook us all up, but then he relapsed into repeating, “I am Apamulele” over and over like a deluded mental patient and we continued our tour of the sprawling ada karin, where men and women looked up from animal-tending, or crafting pots and headrests from wood, to see their mad leader on dangerous patrol. 

True again to the African dictator stereotype, he showed no sign of power-sharing or wanting to step down, not did anyone else show signs (perceivable to us at least) of being a likely successor. Hopefully beneath the surface a coup is being plotted, but for that day at least we were his prisoners and it went from funny to infuriating. With difficulty, and by causing him great offence, we escaped and drove far up the lugga to a shady lunch spot. We were joined by two herders on ‘patrol’ duty, tough-looking young men who rested with their ancient silver guns and shared water and Ginger Nuts with us. They spoke of recent raids by Dodoth from Uganda, and even Toposa from South Sudan, serious armed raids that took hauls like 200 cattle and left men like this dead. They worried for the little herdsboys and had a reconnaissance ‘beat’ where they would watch their backs and give gunshot signals of raiding danger. With the guns, raids and drunks this was turning out to be quite a harrowing corner of Kenya despite the beautiful landscape. 

Apamulele was worse when we returned, the Somali shopkeeper fled from me with a purple plastic chair still stuck to his bottom (I think he expected an ear-bashing over why he continued to sell pouches of deadly spirits to clearly inebriated troublemakers), and we asked the sober KPR [Kenya Police Reservist] if we could stay at his place rather than Apamulele’s. We tried to conceal our desperation as we asked, difficult when Apamulele was whacking the car, yelling, and trying to grab us through the half-open windows. There was even a close-at-hand gunshot to rip through our fraying nerves). The KPR agreed, phew, but we fled back to Lokichoggio for a night, calmed by the sight of a white-bellied go away bird and then later the beautiful Southern Cross.


Plan B: Ananoi’s house



We made a crack-of-dawn departure from the AMREF guesthouse in Lokichoggio, a no-nonsense place enswamped by crickets that climbed on you in the shower, toilet, bed, and anywhere else they could (not least inside your hair and down your shirt). One even latched onto Lokale’s open eye and he feared his eye would be ‘spoilt’. As we left town the heavens opened, and the whole place was quickly a flood plain. In Land Rover language it was ‘muddy good fun’ for a few hours, until we reached a previously sandy lugga that had turned into a storming set of brown rapids, and were well and truly stopped in our tracks. We made coffee dangerously with a gas burner in the footwell, ate our best cake rations from Nairobi, read ‘Jomo’s Jailor’ about the time Kenya’s first president Jomo Kenyatta was imprisoned at Lodwar, and waited. Hours went by and the river got bigger and scarier. Three herders arrived – man, older man and young boy – with two donkeys they were trying to get to the settlement we visited yesterday. They’d been in torrential rain for hours and were shaking, their teeth chattering and their hands and feet incredibly pruney, even a pruney purple colour. The rain was easing so we made very, sweet, very milky tea for them on the bonnet and then we all shared a huge packet of glucose biscuits. More waiting and plenty of talking (once the sugar and sun were working). We heard of course about raiding, and even how Apamulele had married a Dodoth from Uganda (he is quite cosmopolitan, his father was Jie), but then his sons went over the border and raided their own mother’s family.

Talking by the lugga...
... and then stuck in it.

The car moved forward, got stuck in a ditch at the torrent’s edge, and we continued talking. The old story is that the Nyangatom (Ethiopian) father of five sons – Jie, Toposa, Dodoth, Karamojong and Turkana – told them to go and establish families in different places, giving each a ‘seed grant’ of cattle to do so with. He hade them promise that, when they were established, they would repay this loan of cattle. In time all did, except the Turkana, and that is why this brother fights with all the others. The men by the swollen lugga knew this story when I referred to it, but weren’t especially interested in it, saying nonchalantly that the fighting would always go on. 

We were joined by a group of women and they donkeys on their way back from market. They waited and then, somewhat impatient, tested a crossing before all setting off and successfully reaching the other side (even if the donkeys’ eyes bulged in horror). That was too much for the Land Rover’s pride, so after some digging, jacking and untying of roped that looped it, in it’s precarious teetering position, to a tree root, it too made it to the other side. 

Back to the dreaded cesspit of Apamulele’s drunkenness, only to pick up our KPR friend, and luckily by the time we reached there, about 5, he was so drunk that we had practically left again by the time he was peeled off whatever surface he’d ended on. There were dark looks from his younger henchmen and he looked ready to throw some emuron curse on us, but Lokale calmed my nerved by saying that his powers don’t work any more because of the brew. Some actually think a witch (ekapilan) or rival emuron cursed Apamulele with alcoholism; not a bad theory, and the man himself was heard yesterday saying to anyone who would listen, that someone had killed him… 

James our excellent KPR guided us to his home, about 30km through scrub to the south, also slap bang on the border. He told us he’d become a KPR after all the animals he herded as a boy got swept in Lopiar (mega drought from 1979-81); bereft of a herd, he was sent to school, and then a recruiting MP picked him and two other seventeen year olds as good strong lads for the police reserve. He made it to being an AP (Administration Police) too, but tragedy struck his family near Lokichoggio: Toposa from Sudan raided and killed nearly all of them, James retired despite begging bosses because he wanted someone to feed and care for those family members who remained. Now living right on the border with enemy Dodoth – beautiful green hills between the two countries forming the falsely-inviting ‘frontline’ – he still fears, and they still move. Things may be a little better, according to him, for nowadays he sees more stealing of herds out grazing than bloodthirsty raiding of whole homesteads. Whatever the risks (and honestly we ourselves don’t know…) it was a perfect place for a camp and seemingly a wonderful spot to get to know another Turkana ada karin, this time one bigger, more mobile, and far more ‘on the edge’ than any we’d known previously. Sharing a big pot of rice, lentils and vegetables under a brilliantly decorated night sky, I told them how happy I was to be surrounded by excited but kindly women wanting to make friends, and Frederic was told proudly by the men that unlike the other place (Apamulele’s), there was strong leadership here and the youth were united both amongst themselves and with their elders. We went to bed happy and, in this cool, post-rain air in the mountains, with more blankets than we’d ever used in Turkana. 

Our campsite next to Ananoi's ada karin


Enemies and cows

Ananoi's ada karin

Lokale had said that the family were happy to have us staying, and as we smiled smugly he went on to explain, “Because they know that if the Dodoth come, they will finish us first.” Not very reassuring. Despite spooking ourselves we slept well and without incident, only Lokale in his smaller ground tent reported a strange anxiety dream about guinea fowl. 

Already we felt at home, and we began by wandering around Ananoi’s ada karin. He is the headman here, a tall and smiling man who reminds me of Erot and has one arm broken by a Toposa bullet. We stood in awe at the edge of his bull enclosure as all the family’s children tumbled and fell all over them, sinking into soft bellies, grabbing horns for balance, and sometimes riding on top of them as far as they could. It was a stinking, filthy, but amazingly happy playground. The adults smiled and said how happy the cows were, because the children were playing with them. They did indeed look happy, rolling on their sides, lolling their heads, and sniffing each other’s urine. Every single one has a name, we were told, as well as exotic markings (and the odd official Kenya brand, designed to deter raiding). There must have been 40 in that enclosure, and four or five enclosures in the whole ada karin. We’ve never seen cattle herds like this in Turkana before.


Riding a bull in the enclosure
Picking ticks out of a bull's bottom
Playmates

Ananoi’s favourite bull – every man has a favourite – was called Loreng Lolim, or ‘red with no horns’, and was a huge chestnut beat with weird, floppy, downturned horns and ears cut into serrated, lace-like edges. Nearby, we marvelled at some bright red insects [velvet mites], shaped like tiny brains with legs and seemingly from the finest crimson velvet – at these, Ananoi burst into a song that praised their redness and of course the redness of his cherished Loreng Lolim. With so much love, it must really hurt when a herd is raided.

Favourite bull Loreng Lolim
And the bug that deserves a song to praise its similar colour

We walked to the top of a high hill and were asked on return if we’d seen any Dodoth. Are they really that close? Yes, apparently. Ten days ago they watched from a conical hill less than a kilometre away, waited for everyone to leave with herds, and then intercepted children bringing young animals back to the ada karin. Children and little goats and calves were diverted to Dodoth hills, then children were beaten and sent back without their animals. The government as well as some local peace NGO representatives were told and they followed the stolen herd’s footprints into Uganda, but they were turned back with nothing (the suspicion among the community is that these military border agents on the Ugandan side are actually complicit). No protection or compensation is available then, and self-reliance is the only option. Prophecy, too, for this ada karin has two ng’imurok [emurons or prophets]one male and one female, who read signs in bones and other signifiers. They are much trusted and we hope to meet them. 

The women here seem to be non-stop making things out of wood – bowls, containers, the chiselling and carving tools themselves – so that walking through the ada karin when the herds and herdsboys had left and the old men had retreated to their ‘man’s tree’ [a shade tree just outside the ada karin] to doze and debate, was like walking through the percussion section of an enormous orchestra. Their strength was formidable, each whacking and chiselling over and over again with tightly directed force from arms and upper bodies. In many other Turkana communities women spent hours brewing busaa and chang’aa to sell and to spend little time crafting these useful wooden items; I remarked that these women seemed very virtuous but was corrected by Lokale that they could only make what they were making because they had enough to eat. (To him, although there is chronic insecurity, these families are rich in animals and so can spend less time raising money to buy food). 

The women sang as they worked, like Santa’s elves making wooden toys (except most of these heavily beaded elves were breastfeeding at the same time). One song let us talk about what fascinated us most here: their mobility. We came in search of the elusive nomadic life, and found people hemmed in at an insecure border suffering raids or the stress of potential raids while they waited for grass to germinate at a safer future home inland (towards Oropoi). Depending on water, pasture, conflict and disease they might move three times a year, 7-15km each time. Recalling these moves and preparing for the one which is imminent, the women sang a song asking for blessings on the new place – rain, grass, water, animal health – and said how much they enjoyed all packing together in the evening before setting off as one at 5 the following morning. They used to go in stages (animals and men first, women and homes second), but with today’s insecurity they move en masse, and it sounds like fun. Everything goes, on foot and heads and donkeys. Unlike the old days, when moving was a process of sometimes ruthless social selection, everyone goes too: the elderly and sick and disabled are bundled onto donkeys like sacks of goods. 

One song the women sang told the cautionary tale of Lodepo, a man who told his old mother to wait in the newly emptied ada karin, promising to go back for her after he and the rest of the family had reached their next home. She sat and waited. She fought off wild animals – in the song she cries, “Hey!” to circling hyenas. Then, as hunger and thirst gripped her, she realised he wasn’t coming back, that he had tricked and abandoned her. First she wailed about what a good mother she’d always been to him (he’d never burnt by the fire, never known hunger while she cared for him), and then she got angry. Tipping her head back in her final hours, she cried out loudly for all to hear, “Lodepo’s migration went that way – Toposa, go and raid him! Lodepo’s migration went that way – Jie, go and raid him! Lodepo’s migration went that way – Karamojong, go and raid him!”, and so on. The man was raided, his dead mother had her revenge, and generations of his nomadic descendants to come fear leaving their old mothers behind. 

That afternoon the sky was still a pressing grey, and with those of us loitering around the ada karin, energy was low, so we had some strong, sweet tea with the men around the Land Rover, one of them chiselling an egcholo [headrest/stool] for Frederic. They chatted of course about their love of cattle, strange beasts they think they originally raided from the Toposa (Sudan) to add to herds of camels, goats and sheep. Animals that would completely change every landscape there is. These Turkana showed us just how much they dote on their cattle, each with a name, and we learned how the serenaded favourite is selected carefully based on strength, position in herd hierarchy, and, more wonderfully, song. We have yet to hear Loreng Lolim sing but I’m sure it will be very beautiful. 

The children who tail us like bridesmaids wandered off for an intense game in the lugga, and when I asked I learned that the game was ‘cows’. I should have guessed! It looked much more fun than it sounded: one boy was herder and the others, being cows, were sent to scramble on all fours, naked bottoms in the air, in whichever direction he instructed with his cries and his small stick. They were five or six years old, and the one girl among them did her ‘little woman’ tasks of preparing thatch from leaves. There is a delightful mini ada karin in the big one that the little girls have made, perfect micro huts both akai and atabo. Then the sound of a thousand hooves marked the return of the cattle, and life began again as the whole family herded and sorted, checked, enclosed and milked. 

In darkness we ate and talked of stars. God may have put them there for light, and Etob in the North is the brightest lightbulb of them all (It must be a planet, Venus perhaps?), but stars also provide signs and stories for the Turkana who know how to read them. Starting with what we call Orion’s Belt, those three stars are called nkarikwok [the leaders], and from left to right show a he-goat being gripped by the ear by a man behind, and then herded with a stick by another man behind him. (This was a remarkably similar story to that told by the Maasai for the same constellation: near Mount Suswa some old, Maasai men told us they see these as three men herding a he-goat (in the middle), but flanked by three women, and all on the way to a ceremony.) This part of the sky can host key signifiers like the bright star that drops when rain is due (I think this is Venus; and again, this is very similar to the Maasai interpretation), or a variety of unwelcome stars that mean things like poor rain will come or the camels will be barren. Then there is Etom [an elephant] with a spear-thrower and his helpers clustered round, Ekaal [a camel], Akomwa [a termite mound], and of course Angolor [the river], the milky way. Having eaten, the family spoke freely and lay back to point things out: Turkana sometimes see a hare [apo’o] on the moon, and they were amazed that we think we can see an old man’s face! The comparative astronomy got weirder, with them telling us they’d learnt that a red moon meant white men were climbing it, and asking us if shooting stars were really white men bombing other countries. We recalled a bit of school physics, threw in the odd space race anecdote, and then were humbled into silence when they described a vision of the afterlife that old people sometimes tell children. When you die, this cosmology has it, you pass to an underworld beneath our feet, and there inhabit a planet just like this one. That means that just as people might look up at the stars in the sky and conceive worlds like our own, so there are people beneath our feet looking at us and doing the same. Every generation adds a layer, with the universe like an ever-expanding onion, or an ancient tree whose rings keep replicating. We conceded that this could well be true, and weighed suddenly by concepts beyond our tired, earth-bound brains, picked our way carefully home around sleeping cattle, holes in the ground, and flying termites.

*****

They don’t sleep much here. It’s because of insecurity, they tell us, and this morning they were certainly up before the crack of dawn. By 6.30 the men were deep in a very animated debate under their tree, elders standing up in turn to pace around and address the crowd. They really orate, almost yelling at their seated audience and making bold, waving hand gestures as they try to herd the group’s opinion in their direction. David Turton studied it among the Mursi in Ethiopia’s nearby Omo Valley, this particular and sophisticated form of debating where consensus is carefully built and a group decision reached through a series of skilfully performed speeches. (I remember him replying, when someone asked why their material technology was so apparently limited, that their investment was instead in social technology such as debating). Turton watched how they debated what to do about conflicts with neighbours (mostly Nyangatom), and when I asked Lokale, his excellent ears had heard that our friends here were debating what to do about the Teuso (or Ik, as they call themselves – Teuso is derogatory). These hunter-gatherer neighbours on the Ugandan side are often called friends of Turkana (sometimes pejoratively as they’re not animal herders), or they are considered outside the pastoralist tensions – Turkana with Dodoth, Karamojong, Toposa, Jie and others (Merille/Dassanetch further north east, Pokot further south of here). They are sometimes accused of playing enemy pastoralist groups off against each other, stirring trouble by giving ‘information’ to both sides in exchange for food, protection, or animals that they eat. Anyway, our friends Ananoi and the other men had told us that they had no beef with the Teuso, but this morning were heard debating what to do about them: some men said that if they were seen, they should be killed; others said they should be left alone. Yikes, it seems to hang in the balance for the short people! When I asked Ananoi directly, he told me that the meeting was simply a discussion of local matters, men telling each other to look after their herds, etc. Then he expanded, maybe suspecting we’d overheard, and said that yesterday’s patrol had met two Teuso in the area, but they were just looking for wild food, termites coming out after the rain, so the ever-nervous patrol spoke to them and agreed all was peaceful. That’s the official line anyway… 

We cooked sweet tea with Ananoi’s family, admiring the tiny new calves in the hut and nearby. A baby among us seemed to get less attention that these big eyed and undeniably pretty innocents, despite her brilliantly assertive antics like sticking her hand straight in a cowpat and then landing it squarely on her brother’s head. It only occurred to me much later to wonder why the family gathering was taking place around a huge cowpat at all… I think cow-worshipping Hindus would be put to shame by this lot. 

We were happy to be included and accepted, cowpats and all, and especially by the children who’d feared us so much the previous day. One boy was asked by an old woman what he thought we’d do to him, as he fled in terror from us, and he said he thought we’d cut his penis! That got many laughs but no one seemed to correct him, and actually I don’t think we saw him again. 

Before we left, a thousand termites came streaming out of little holes in their red, sky-pointing mound, and women and children rushed to capture them in pots to flash fry and eat them later. They looked like fairies, fluttering out with long, opaque wings, and the women and children looked like figures in a Victorian fairy painting – except that they were almost licking their lips in hungry anticipation. 

We dropped the KPR James off at the container clinic where Apamulele gets sloshed – still a source of slight bad vibes for us – and were a bit disappointed that he expected money from us after all the food and gifts (including a cool solar-powered torch). But such is life here now, and every encounter seems to have a sobering, mercenary quality that you have to find a way to be firm about while maintaining friendship and humour. Then to Lokichoggio, or so we thought. It was a sunny day so we decided to try the off-road track back from Oropoi, one avoided because of Toposa raiding, which we reckoned couldn’t get us in daylight. We should have taken the hint of their being no other tracks at all, but we pushed on through wide luggas (saw a fish eagle in one) and over some tricky ditches, still muddy from the recent rains. Then we drove straight into some wet black cotton soil, a huge swathe of it that licked right around all the wheels and particularly engulfed the front one, caught right up almost to the top in sticky mud. For nearly three hours we dug, jacked, heaved sticks and stones under the wheels, had countless false starts, and finally got the car out. Not before it lurched up on just two wheels (front left and back right), Frederic sitting high behind the steering wheel like a rodeo rider (and me vowing to cherish him completely if the car didn’t tip with him in it). ‘Itori’, we’d christened this car, or ‘It will pass’ in Turkana, and it lived up to its name eventually, after nerve-wracking trouble (and possibly even a curse from Apamulele) that left us looking like lost members of the Teracotta Army and the car looking seriously battle-worn (including a very sad whack in its front passenger door when the jack slipped in the molten mud). Turkana seems determined to chew us up before it spits us out this time.




[1] Clans or ategerin include Ng’Iwoiyakwara (people in central Turkana with long spears and looped earrings), Ng’Ikamata (people in southern Turkana who use proverbs – including Erot’s family), Ng’isonyoka (people in southern Turkana with sheep with big tails), Ng’Ibelai (people in southern Turkana who fight with sticks until they break), Ng’Ikwatela (people who stay on the plains with cattle and goats, are wealthier, and believe they’re the only authentic Turkana), Ng’Iyapakuno (people in the north and west who use the Ng’ikuno tree for fencing and their huts, including Nachukuli’s family), Ng’Iukomong (people in northern Turkana who keep bulls), Ng’Isiger (people who stay along the Lake). There are more clans (including Ngibotok, Ngibocheros, Ngichoro, Ngigamatak, Ngijie, Ngikajik, Ngikuniye, Ngimamong, Ngimazuk, Ngimonia, Ngiseto, Ngissir, Ngiturkan…) and it is usually cited that there are 28 in total.